Calls to abolish the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) are selfish, partisan, and grounded in fear—not evidence.
The creation of the OSP was, at the same time, both unnecessary and necessary. If the Office of the Attorney-General (A-G) had built a strong professional culture insulated from political influence, there would have been no public pressure to establish a new anti-corruption body. But it didn’t—and here we are.
Prosecutors play a critical role in every justice system. Across the world, prosecutorial autonomy generally falls into three models:
(a) Full independence, where prosecutors enjoy constitutional or statutory autonomy;
(b) Semi-independence, where operational freedom exists but within executive structures; and
(c) Executive control, where prosecution is firmly under government authority.
Ghana was in the third category before the establishment of the Office of the Special Prosecutor, but now has a mixture of the semi-independence and executive control models. This is because the OSP exercises discretion regarding whether to prosecute a case and otherwise. Article 88 of the 1992 Constitution vests all prosecutorial powers in one person—the Minister of Justice and Attorney-General—a political appointee.
In contrast, countries like the UK buffer political influence by separating operational decisions made by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) from the political leadership of the Attorney-General.
Ghana lacks this buffer. Over time, prosecutorial decisions in the country have become deeply politicised, eroding public trust and weakening anti-corruption institutions. This is what motivated former President Nana Akufo-Addo, in a bold political move, to create the OSP in 2017 under Act 959. But the institution was structurally weakened from birth: it remains tethered to the A-G’s authority.
After nine years, dissatisfaction with the OSP continues—mostly around its handling of high-profile cases. Critics often ignore the fact that the OSP has secured seven convictions, and that conviction does not always mean jail time. My simple response is this: you cannot expect the OSP to achieve what the Attorney-General himself has repeatedly failed to do.
This is why current calls to abolish the OSP are dangerous. They are not grounded in research, comparative studies, or evidence. They serve one purpose only—to make public office comfortable for political elites by shielding them from accountability. Politicians want oversight without consequences. They want reforms that are cosmetic, not structural. In essence, they want immunity dressed as institutional restructuring.
If you doubt this, go and watch A Bug’s Life (1998). You will understand exactly why the powerful fear systems that empower the “small people.”
The agitation to scrap the OSP is not about efficiency or performance. It is about insulating political actors from scrutiny. If we allow them to weaken the OSP today, our entire anti-corruption framework collapses tomorrow. It may look like a minor institutional adjustment now, but little cracks eventually bring down great buildings. Those pushing this agenda may be few, but they wield the machinery of the State—and that should concern every Ghanaian.
If Ghana is genuinely serious about ending or significantly reducing corruption, the path is clear and proven.
Step one: Amend Article 88 and separate the Office of the Attorney-General from the Ministry of Justice.
Step two: Make the OSP fully independent by removing its legal dependence on the A-G under Section 4 of Act 959.
These two reforms alone would transform our anti-corruption landscape within one calendar year. This is not guesswork. It is consistent with global best practice and supported by Ghana’s institutional history.
The OSP must not be sacrificed. It is the closest Ghana has ever come to building a credible, modern anti-corruption architecture. Yes, the institution has flaws—so did Ghana’s electoral system in its early years. But we refined that system and now showcase it as one of Africa’s strongest.
The fight against corruption requires the same approach: reform, fine-tuning, strengthening—not demolition.
The OSP must stay. Strengthen it, fix it, reform it—but do not abolish it.
On this matter, there is no room for negotiation.
If politicians touch the Office of the Special Prosecutor, they have touched the very core of Ghana’s public accountability.
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